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SIPRI
2006
YEARBOOK
ARMAMENTS,
DISARMAMENT AND
INTERNATIONAL
SECURITY
1966–2006
E
The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
is an independent international institute for research into
problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms
control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to
commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace
and celebrates its 40th anniversary in 2006.
The Institute is financed mainly by a grant proposed by the
Swedish Government and subsequently approved by the
Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board
are international. The Institute also has an Advisory
Committee as an international consultative body.
The objectives of SIPRI’s research are
• to promote transparency in security and arms control
• to contribute to conflict prevention and resolution
• to disseminate information to the broader public.
SIPRI publishes its research findings in books and
This booklet illustrates the type of analysis,
facts and data to be found in the 888-page
SIPRI Yearbook 2006
Armaments, Disarmament and
International Security
The SIPRI Yearbook has been published since 1969. It brings
together objective data and state-of-the-art analysis, offered
by SIPRI’s own staff and other experts, on all major aspects
of arms control, peace and security. The 2006 edition marks
SIPRI’s 40th anniversary with several retrospective chapters,
alongside up-to-date reporting and original analysis.
More information on the Yearbook is available at
The Yearbook can be obtained through all the
main bookshops, from Oxford University Press
or online via the above URL.
This summary is available on the Internet in Dutch, English,
French, German, Spanish and Swedish at
pocket/pocket_yb.html
For information about other recent SIPRI publications, see
Contents
Euro-Atlantic security and institutions
1
Major armed conflicts
2
Peace-building: the international focus on Africa
4
Islam, conflict and terrorism
6
Regional security cooperation in the early 21st century
7
National governance of nuclear weapons: opportunities
8
and constraints
Transparency in the arms life cycle
9
Military expenditure data: a 40-year overview
10
Military expenditure
11
Arms production
12
International arms transfers
14
Developments in the Russian arms industry
16
The security dimension of European collective efforts
17
in space
Nuclear arms control and non-proliferation
18
Multilateral control of the nuclear fuel cycle
20
Reflections on continuity and change in arms control
21
Chemical and biological warfare developments and
22
arms control
Enhancing bio-security: the need for a global strategy
23
Conventional arms control
24
Transfer controls
25
Arms control and disarmament agreements
26
Abbreviations
30
Euro-Atlantic security and institutions
• Pragmatism dominated Euro-Atlantic relations in 2005.
Beyond the rift over Iraq, the USA and European EU/NATO
members recognize their roles in global affairs as comple-
mentary rather than confrontational.
• In some cases, the flow of Euro-Atlantic cooperation has
reverted to international institutions such as NATO, the
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)
and the UN. Much less is heard from the USA about the value
of ad hoc coalitions.
• The USA has gradually coordinated its policy more closely
with Europe. The Bush Administration’s proclivity to use force
unilaterally is unchanged, but the turmoil in Iraq prevents it
from going beyond hinting at further ‘pre-emptive’ use of force.
• The rivalry between the EU and NATO is entering a new
phase as their geographical and functional agendas increas-
ingly overlap. The EU’s Constitutional Treaty setback in 2005
did not seriously affect the implementation of its ambitious
security agenda, but it raises questions about the EU’s aspir-
ation to be a more effective security actor.
• In the post-Soviet area, there is an increasingly clear and
sharp divide between countries that have embarked on dem-
ocratization and those that maintain authoritarian rule.
Russia’s continuing role in this area makes it hard to resolve
any of the region’s frozen or pending conflicts without either
involving Russia or facing its abstention.
• Developments in the Western Balkans—such as settling
the status of Kosovo, the separation of Serbia and Monte-
negro and the centralization of power in Bosnia and Herze-
govina—will not end the potential for conflict in the region
caused by the non-coincidence of state and ethnic borders.
1
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